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Application | Kingdom of Ausonia

on Wed Nov 07, 2018 1:08 pm
Kingdom of Ausonia
Regno d'Ausonia









Official Language: Italian
Other Languages: Arabic, Malagasy, Persian, Somali
Capital: Thebes
Motto: In Sanguine Unitis

POLITICS
Government: Federal Constitutional Monarchy
Emperor: Rodolfo II d’Arcata
Prime Chancellor: Francesco Khorasani
Independence: 1 April 1936
Main cities: Thebes (4.190.496 ab), Ghanima (2.840.000 ab)
, Prospera (1.316.000 ab) ,
Moncale (800.385 ab)
, Augusta (598.979 ab)

GEOGRAPHY AND POPULATION
Continent: Africa
Area: 280.000 km2
Population:  22.334.000 ab
Density: 79,7 ab/km2

ECONOMY AND TRADE  
Currency: Ausonian Tornese
GDP (PPP):  384 billion $
GDP (PPP) per capita: 17.208 $
Major economic partners: Italy, Iran, Oman, Turkey, India, Madagascar, Tanzania, Australia
Economic sectors repartition: Agriculture 26,9%, Industry 22,9%, Services 50,2%
Main resources: Oil, natural gas, nickel, fertile soil, forests, fishy waters, tourism

DEMOGRAPHY AND SOCIETY
HDI:  0,659 (medium)
Growth Rate: 1,49%
Birth Rate: 22%
Ethnic Composition: Arabs (18,4%), Tanyavos (16,6%), Blacks (13,7%), Persians (12,9%), Italians (11,1%), Somalis (3%), Mixed (24,3%)
Religious Composition: Catholic christianity (40%), Qarmatian Islam (31%), Zoroastrianism (7%), Other/Non religious (22%)
Social Issues: Ausonia is one of the last remaining monarchies in Africa, the first having reached independence from a colonial empire, and it hosts one of the largest percentages and consequent amounts of white population in whole Africa (11,1% of the total population, corresponding to 2,479,074 inhabitants). With a GDP per capita of 17,208 $ by parity of purchasing power it’s one of the richest and fastest developing countries in Africa, alongside with Gabon, Botswana, South Africa and Seychelles; however, a vast percentage of the population is estimated living under the soil of poverty, with no specific ethnic distinction, fact that gave a great contribution to the formation and consolidation of an Ausonian national identity based on solidarity and pluralism: all Ausonians feel like “traveling on the same ship”, the ship being the State, hence they generally believe that the only way to keep the ship afloat during a storm (the storm being poverty) is to set aside contrasts and cooperate among each other by sharing all kind of knowledge.
This notwithstanding, the kingdom has barely being spared from the violence of terrorism and extremism, which in Ausonia takes the shape of Terra Nostra ("Our Land"), a criminal, extremist and terrorist organisation with a structure similar to mafia whose aim is the desegregation of Ausonia among its ethnicities, goal pursued through acts of terrorism, racket, extortion, drug trafficking, gambling, murder, usury, waste management, smuggling, fraud, corruption, money laundering, counterfeiting, robbery, stolen goods, prostitution and building management.


HISTORY

Origins:
Firstly colonized by Austronesian population coming from Oceania and reaching the coasts of Madagascar and Ausonia around 1500 years ago, the island saw the birth of its first institutionalized government initially with the founding of Arghavan (actual Augusta) by the Sassanid Persians around 496 AC; founded as a trading post, in VII century, following Arab invasions and islamisation of Persia, Arghavan (whose name means “purple”) saw a relatively massive increase in its population when zoroastrian and Nestorian refugees reached it and made it a city-state. Between X and XI century, Arab settlers from Oman founded Al Abjad (today Abido), Ghanima and Dar Al Bahr (today Tebe), later Darbar (“royal court” in Persian), this latter destined to become the capital of the Hassaniya Mahdiate, named after the ancestral settlement of the Qarmatians Al-Hasa by the fleeing Persian mahdi Shahryar Esfahani, who brought the Qarmatian islamic confession on the island and unified what before him were only pirate settlements or Arab trading posts.
The first centuries of the Hassani rule over Ausonia were characterized by conflicts with the  Arghavani (eventually conquered in 1130) and most of all with the local populations later reunited under the kingdom of Tanyavo (“High Lands” in malagasy), which ended up assuring the control of the northern and western coast from Arghavan to Fipetrahana (today Moncale) to the Hassaniya Mahdiate and the central highlands and eastern coast to the Tanyavo kingdom.

The Hassaniya Mahdiate:
The land the Hassani ruled was extremely rich and the economy was heavily and quite inconsistently governed by a slave system, which deeply engaged Hassaniya in the slave trade with Zanzibar, the Arab peninsula, Ajuraan (Somalia), Tanzania and the Sakalavas of Madagascar.
The purpose of the Hassani Qarmatians was to build a society based on faith and social equality. The state was governed by a council of six people presided by an imam elected as a “first among equals”, with the mahdi as the symbolic leader whose title was hereditary (therefore within the Esfahani dynasty). The Hassani élite was organized as an esoteric society, though not as a secret one: their activities were public and widely publicized, but the new members had to undergo an initiation ceremony which included seven different stages. In a sort of echo of cyclical zoroastrian thought, the Qarmatian world view referred to the cyclic repetitiveness of every phenomenon, in which each event reiterated itself over and over again.
The Qarmatian islam practiced in Hassaniya however would radically differentiate itself from other Shia or Sunni currents; shari’a law would never be established officially, and influences from kharigism would sediment within Hassani culture a projection towards gender and racial equality through the openness of the imam charge to anyone morally worthy regardless of gender, race or social status (although slaves would always be kept aside), as well as a work ethic alike to the zoroastrian one that later will match in some aspects even the protestant capitalist ethic. Nevertheless this openness will also remain relative: apostasy would always be sentenced by death, and as stated before slaves would never be given the possibility to participate to the government of the mahdiate until 1807.

The Genoese:
Reached first by the Portuguese sailor Bartolomeo Diaz in XV century and later by Genoese Niccolò Adorno in 1516, Hassaniya and Tanyavo saw the first European settlements be established by the Republic of Genoa with the concessions of the port of Tsena (“market” in malagasy, later called Zena, “Genoa” in genoese) between Ghanima and Darbar, the port of Ganaveh (renamed Castel Grande) near Agharvan and the port of Serenana (“harbor” in malagasy) south of Damasina, the Tanyavo capital (which later will become Damantina).
The distance from the motherland and the peculiar way the Genoese built their colonies (actually true autonomous small trade cities with even the privilege to coin coins) pushed Zena, Serenana and the five other following settlements built on both coasts and in both kingdoms to start developing on their own, eventually rivaling Portuguese and Arabic trades in Eastern Africa along XVI and XVII centuries and managing to little by little economically dominate the Mahdiate of Hassaniya, which they called Ausonia (one of the names poets used at the time as a synonym of Italy), and the Tanyavo kingdom, eventually alimenting the contrasts between the three and finally managing through missions established between XVII and XVIII century to convince the Tanyavos to embrace the catholic faith against the attempts of the Hassani to convert them to islam.

New Sardinia:
Ceded by Genoa to the Kingdom of Sardinia at the end of the Austrian and Polish succession wars in XVIII century, in order not to cede Corsica, the seven colonies were for the first time reunited under a single colonial possession, the Colony of New Sardinia, whose capital was established in Fiorpetrana (from “Fipetrahana”, “landing” in malagasy) later renamed Moncale (from Moncalé, the Piedmontese name of the city of Moncalieri near Turin). However, the new administration didn’t influence much more the autonomy reached by the colony, being Sardinia still too far and not that much interested in the administration of New Sardinia; all powers were delegated to the symbolic figure of the viceroy in Moncale, the largest and richest of the colonial cities (Zena suffered too much from the proximity with Ghanima and Darbar, where Genoa and later Sardinia had anyway some trade quarters), with which no one of the other settlements could compete.
In 1796 king Charles Emmanuel IV of Savoy appointed his brother Maurice Joseph as viceroy of New Sardinia; three years later Radama XVI of Tanyavo died, after having conceded the hand of his only daughter Beatrix (wrong translation of her true name Badriya) to the Sardinian viceroy, who according to legends had fallen in love with her during an official visit to Damasina.
The Hassaniya Emirate, feeling threatened, immediately raised its banners against New Sardinia and Tanyavo; the war who broke out saw the definitive fall of Arghavan, revolting against the Hassani and ending up ransacked and destroyed by a siege in December 1796. The city would be rebuilt after the war under the new name of Augusta, by the name of the Piedmontese general Augusto Cravero who managed to shelter a big part of the population behind the walls of Castel Grande while waiting for renforcements against the Hassani.
These latter eventually succeeded in gaining a vague promise of support from France,  at the time holding Seychelles and Mauritius, support that ended up sealing Darbar’s defeat; in order to avoid French influences over Ausonia, which was a strategic hub on the way to India, Britain immediately intervened sending a small fleet to back Sardinia (at the time under its protection against Napoleon); France, too focused on European affairs, didn’t intervene and by the end of 1797 the war was over: Darbar was occupied and renamed Tebe (Italian for “Thebes”) becoming the new capital of the colony, and for the first time since 1130 the island was united under one flag. Maurice Joseph crowned himself and his wife prince and princess of Ausonia, abolishing the titles of viceroy of New Sardinia, imam of Hassaniya and king of Tanyavo; the new principality was immediately put under the vassalage of the Crown of Sardinia.
Britain kept its protectorate over the island until 1814, when the Congress of Vienna restored the Kingdom of Sardinia, recognized the vassal bound between the prince of Ausonia and the king of Sardinia and gave Britain the French colonies of Mauritius and Seychelles.

Birth of modern Ausonia:
During the first decades of XIX century Ausonia knew some important changes in its newly unified social structure; Maurice Joseph’s careful administration revealed to be determinant to shape Ausonia’s tendency towards compromise, whose result will end up granting the country a discretely well developed state structure one century later.
An important factor to be kept in mind is that Ausonia never properly became a colony, but mostly a protectorate; being Sardinia a too small and too far away kingdom, the relationship it kept with Ausonia was always characterized by compromises over compromises, not only reciprocally but also with Great Britain, whose interest was that Ausonia maintained a certain degree of autonomy in order to exerce some influence over such a strategic hub.
The catholic and austronesian Tanyavos were rapidly equaled to the Sardo-Genoese settlers, also thanks to the influence of princess Beatrix, their catholic faith and the help given against the Hassani; these latter, along with the Arghavani (Ausonian Persians), despite their status of defeated enemies and most of all despite the hostility deriving from religious issues, were eventually treated with tolerance and allowed to keep professing their cult under the lead of the mahdi, who remained in Thebes as a symbolic and spiritual figure under conditions granting him a certain autonomy (eventually giving Italians and later fascists the idea on how to deal with the Pope in Rome); finally, the black population descending from slaves traded to Ausonia across the centuries kept being regarded as inferior by the four other ethnic groups (Arabs, Persians, Italians and Austronesians), all agreeing on the necessity of having them as cheap workforce to employ in the fields about to be exploited by the Hassani and Tanyavo aristocracy and later by the Sardo-Genoese merchant bourgeoisie.

The first important derangement in the nascent Ausonian economy was the abolition of slave trade imposed by Britain in 1807; the Hassani, Arghavani and Sardo-Genoese merchant élites involved in it reinvested their revenues in the acquisition of land properties in the inland, where they employed the remaining slaves in the cultivation of products to be sold to agricultural goods traders (cotton, spices, sugar, rice, etc.); careful agreements between Sardinia and other Italian states (Conferences of Turin, 1820) made so that Ausonian products rapidly owned the Italian market, granting Sardinia a monopoly over the other Italian states and Ausonia revenues high enough for Ausonian merchants to face later the abolition of slavery. The treaties of Turin also allowed other Italian immigrants to settle Ausonia, a measure that assured Sardinia cheap Italian workforce lowering the wages that had to be granted to the newly freed slaves.
It must be taken into accounts that Sardinia wasn’t Ausonia’s only trade partner: small quotas of Ausonian commerce were also owned by Great Britain, Oman and later Zanzibar, these latter both however lately falling under Britain’s sphere making Britain the second largest economic partner of Ausonia behind what will later become Italy; a rare case we can say of “joint colonial domination”, and a determining factor for the events that one century later will bring to Ausonia’s independence.

Ausonian economy however remained for the whole first half of the XIX century tied to the exportation of primal goods, especially agricultural ones; commerce related activities were concentrated along the coasts, a situation that will shape Ausonia’s duality and eventually contrast between the developed coasts and the underdeveloped inland for the centuries to come.
This notwithstanding, Ausonian identity knew during this period a decisive development in matters of culture and ideas; among immigrants coming from all across Italy the ideals of Risorgimento landed on the African island as well, making Thebes and most of all Prospera two of the first cradles of what were about to become Italy’s and Ausonia’s national identity. Italian language started spreading all across the island first as the lingua franca of the Italian élites (gradually substituting Genoese), and then as the language of culture adopted also by Tanyavo, Arghavani and Hassani élites as an attempt to better fit into the ruling class of the island and be treated as equals by the Italian élites. A discretely flourishing literary and musical production will accompany such diffusion of the Italian language among the educated classes, ending up encouraging especially in the motherland the idea of a unified Italian state speaking the same language.

Cavour:
The rise in power of Camillo Benso of Cavour in Sardinia in 1852 marked an important turning in Ausonia’s until then dangerously stagnant development; thanks to economic agreements signed by Cavour with France and many other European countries Sardinia abandoned protectionism and embraced free trade, indirectly expanding Ausonia’s market.
Cavour also granted the shipowner Raffaele Rubattino the subsidized shipping line between Sardinia and Ausonia, and to Genoese groups the utilisation of mines and saltworks in the latter. Concessions were given to British enterprises to build railways connecting Ghanima and Prospera with Thebes, in order to match the increasing rise of Ausonian export towards Sardinia (inevitably facing as well a rise in its exportations) and Great Britain. Cavour played a key role also in the beginning of the secularization process aimed at ousting the clergy, especially the muslim imams, from key sectors of public services such as education and welfare; where imams were seen as an obstacle to the integration of the Arabic speaking population of Ausonia in the new Italian based society about to form (since the koranic schools taught compulsorily in Arabic and openly opposed the infidel colonial government), the catholic missions were seen as a cumbersome presence in the liberal panorama Cavour was trying to build in both Sardinia and Ausonia, despite their essential role in educating the local populations (especially the Tanyavo and black minorities) in Italian. The “Law about cloisters” promulgated in 1855 however spared those missions whose aims were education or health assistance, even though their activities were from then on submitted to the colonial government of Thebes.

Meanwhile in Europe Cavour had managed to focus the great powers’ attention on the Italian situation; Sardinia, with the support of France and Great Britain, was in fact about to take the lead in the process bringing Italy to unify.
During the secret agreements discussed in Plombières between Cavour and Napoleon III, the French emperor asked for Ausonia to be ceded to France alongside with Savoy and Nice, in exchange for France’s help with the Sardinian conquest of Lombardy and Venetia from Austria; the Piedmontese prime minister however made so that this particular request leaked out of the secret meeting and reached queen Victoria’s hears. Rapidly the British ambassador in France took contact with Napoleon III and warned him about the consequences that the annexation of Ausonia to the French colonial empire would have caused, especially for what concerned the relationship between France and Great Britain, having the latter particular interests in keeping Ausonia under Italy’s wing.
Therefore, newly unified Italy managed to keep its hold on Ausonia while France would content herself with the conquest and colonisation of Madagascar almost forty years later, in 1897.

Italian colonisation:
The Belle Epoque will see a massive inflow of Italian immigrants in the island, depicted as a flourishing land of abundance by the Italian propaganda interested into converging there the huge migratory flows draining Italian workforce especially from the south out of Italy. The count Amedeo Giraudo of Gravere, symbolically charged by the prince Victor Amadeus II of Savoy (grand nephew of Maurice Joseph and Badriya) of the administration of the colony (ministers were sent from the motherland and just confirmed by the princes), enhanced a series of reforms aiming at modernizing communication routes among the main ports of the island, especially those connecting them to the capital; to this age remount the Galleria Sabauda, built on the model of the galleries erected in Milan and Naples, the Piazza Conte di Gravere and Piazza Duca di Monferrato in Thebes, the mosques such as the Moschea Nuova in Ghanima, topped with the characteristic Italian domes (on top of Moschea Nuova shines the “Cresentina”, the golden crescent nowadays become the symbol of Ghanima), the boulevards surrounding the casbahs and fondacos (the “corsi” such as Corso di Porta Oceania in Thebes) and the symbol par excellence of the Italian colonial architecture, the new-romanic cathedrals.
Nevertheless, these imposing urban projects other than busting economic development only provided the colonial and local elites with spaces echoing the magnificence of Europe, Persia or Arabia; the majority of the population, made of peasants employed in plantations in the inland and workers employed in the first factories and facilities established in the cities were still relegated to conditions slightly better than those of the rest of Africa; despite the foundation of new cities such as Giuncavilla, Monleone or Remire, the population employed in the farming sector didn't really see an improvement in its life conditions and still suffered from the abuses of the landowners, just as the workers concentrated in those slums commonly known as “faqiras” (from arabic “faqir”, “poor”) rapidly developing out of each city, made of labyrinthian paths unraveled among barracks made of wood, mud, stones or plates, a reality still existing nowadays although slowly interested by gentrification processes. This classes will play an important role in the events that will lead just half a century later to the independence of Ausonia from fascist Italy.

The possession of Ausonia inevitably ended up projecting Italy’s ambitions towards the colonial race; the conquest of Eritrea, Somalia and later Libya somehow influenced Ausonian social structure as well. Libyans, Somalis and Eritreans were in fact sometimes deported to Ausonia in order to clear spaces for Italian colonists; this brought to the foundation or repopulation of cities such as Abessali, today a Somali community at the gates of Thebes, and Porto Amedeo, ancient Marsa al-Ahmed, settled with deported Libyans in the 20es. Ausonian traders and entrepreneurs found themselves concurring against Italian investors for slices of the new colonial markets, especially in Somalia; finally, even Amedeo of Savoy-Aoste, when travelling across the Italian possessions in Africa, had the occasion to praise the development Ausonia was experiencing thanks to its relatively efficient system.
Such system though was a special prerogative of a few African countries of that time such as South Africa or Egypt, which didn't fall under the common definition of colony but mostly under that of protectorate, even if not officially: Ausonia had her own monarch and government, of which only the chief was sent from Italy with the functions of coordinating the government’s activities and approving or repealing the proposals of the Assembly, a legislative corp born in 1797 as an heritage of the Hassani majlis deriving itself from the Arghavani goruh. Ausonia's autonomy and development however will suddenly be shaken by the turmoils Italy faced after the First World War which brought to the rise of fascism in 1922.

Fascism:
Mussolini’s ideas showed up soon as incompatible with the system built between Italy and its privileged colony; whereas the Duce promptly exploited the results of Ausonia’s gestion as due to the alleged superiority of the Italian leadership (conveniently ignoring the participation of also Arab, Persian and Tanyavo élites without which the Italian government of the island would have been almost impossible), he also remarked that Thebes, being a colony and most of all an African territory, could not keep such a special relationship that placed her almost on the same level of Rome. The fascist ideology wanted every possession Italy controlled below Rome’s aegis, therefore Ausonia’s autonomy had to be limited.
In 1925 prince Maurice Joseph III of Savoy died leaving behind only a sister, Beatrix of Savoy, married to a nobleman and shipowner of Prospera: Enrico d’Arcata, count of San Candido.
The death of the last Savoy prince of Ausonia gave Mussolini the official pretext to formally abolish the principality, judged to be a medieval vestige (despite all Mussolini’s constant references to the medieval and roman glory of Italy in his propagandistic symbols) and promptly substituted with a viceroyalty given to the fascist Sicilian entrepreneur Astorre Spadaro.
Enrico d’Arcata and Beatrix of Savoy flee to Persia under the protection of the shah Reza Pahlavi, followed soon by the mahdi Shahryar XII who in Esfahan (ancestral hometown of the mahdis) proclaims Enrico king of Ausonia in the name of Allah, by the will of Ausonia; this act is immediately replicated by the archbishop of Thebes who recognizes Arcata as the rightful monarch of Ausonia instead of Victor Emmanuel III (due to the contrasts not yet resolved between Italy and the Holy See), and marks the beginning of the silent opposition of the Ausonians against the fascist regime.

Independence:
Between 1925 and 1935 the island endures ten years of ruthless, oppressive fascist dictature under the power of Astorre Spadaro, who enhances a series of reforms aiming at equaling Ausonia to the status of the other colonies. A regime of racial segregation is established, enterprises owned by non-Italians are ousted from trades, languages other than Italian are forbidden in public services; little by little the fascists also start pushing British traders and investors out of Ausonia.
When in October 1935 Mussolini declares war on Ethiopia, Enrico d’Arcata immediately seizes the opportunity; the night between the 28th and 29th of October the king, escorted by a corp made of volunteers from mostly Persia, Oman and Britain, secretly lands in Prospera, where in the morning of October 29, 1935 he’s acclaimed king of Ausonia by the population fomented by the local élites.
All over Ausonia the revolution spreads, embraced by most of the locals and supported by the élites willing to chase Spadaro and the fascists out of their land, taking advantage of the delicate situation Italy was in because of the war against Ethiopia.
Meanwhile in Europe what will be defined by Haile Selassie in occasion of a discourse to the assembly of the Legacy of Nations in Geneva “the ignoble trading of Ethiopia for Ausonia” is consumed, and the doom of the Legacy of Nations is sealed: the British prime minister Hoare and the French Laval submit a compromise to Mussolini in which Great Britain and France recognize the Italian annexation of Ethiopia if Italy recognizes the independence of Ausonia. Italian soldiers fighting in Ausonia are so recalled and sent to Somalia with the pretext of having to reinforce the troops of general Graziani advancing towards Addis Abeba; Spadaro leaves the island as well, and the 1st of April 1936 the revolutionary troops lead by Arcata march on Thebes where the kingdom is officially proclaimed.

To be continued...


Last edited by Farid Dārbāri on Thu Dec 06, 2018 1:54 pm; edited 2 times in total
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Re: Application | Kingdom of Ausonia

on Wed Nov 07, 2018 3:39 pm
This looks very interesting. The ethnic and religious composition suggests extreme diversity.

Why are Iran and Turkey two of the biggest trading partners of Ausonia? They're quite far out and aren't exactly what one would consider to be global economic powers.

I look forward to reading the history and the issues sections. I'm also interested to learn how this country began speaking Italian. Razz
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Re: Application | Kingdom of Ausonia

on Fri Nov 09, 2018 8:03 pm
hammerandcrescent wrote:This looks very interesting. The ethnic and religious composition suggests extreme diversity.

Why are Iran and Turkey two of the biggest trading partners of Ausonia? They're quite far out and aren't exactly what one would consider to be global economic powers.

I look forward to reading the history and the issues sections. I'm also interested to learn how this country began speaking Italian. Razz

I think it's fine to have both as major trading partners. Since Ausonia is more developed than its neighbors, it'll probably see itself trading with countries further out that can afford goods produced there. Just my opinion Wink

Looks great Fed! I know how long you've been working on Ausonia and how much it's come to mean to you Wink
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Re: Application | Kingdom of Ausonia

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